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The European Migration and Asylum Pact

The EU Migration and Asylum Pact is a timely opportunity for EU citizens and their Governments to consider the future of migration in this continent. This is much more than just considering the relatively limited numbers of asylum seekers (1 million last year) arriving in the EU compared to the total external inflows and outflows of migrants for economic, educational, family or other reasons (approximately 7 million per year).   The total population of the EU is around 450 million. Migration is a factor in all human societies and with the advent of new means of communication and travel as well as globalised movement of capital and labour, Europe has seen a marked increase in migration both within its common external borders and across the external border.   Common rules apply in relation to movement of EU or EEA (European Economic Area) citizens.   Now, a short digression please.   Ireland is in a unique position of sharing a land border with a non-EU member and, at the same time,
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Are Ukrainian refugees paid too much?

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  The answer to this question is, clearly, yes for the Irish Government which recently decided to cut allowances for many Ukrainian refugees (known as Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection).   Three arguments were cited: It would be unfair for some Ukrainian refugees to get more than other Ukrainian refugees who have arrived since mid-March of which there are an estimated 1,000 or so. Ireland’s social welfare and general financial payment was too generous for Ukrainian refugees compared to other EU Member States and this explains why so many came to Ireland over the last two years. It was financially and politically unsustainable. I will address these points, below. First, let’s set the political context as well as the facts about what seems to be happening (I say seems because a recent announcement about changes to payments for some Ukrainians is shockingly sparse and vague on so many points). Political context The sudden and sharp change in tone by Government on immigration has t
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Sure it is only statistics?

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  Last week I posted a blog about comparative data relating to asylum seekers including numbers deported or ordered to leave.   Coincidentally, some breaking news came to my attention after posting the blog that EUROSTAT had released data apparently showing that Ireland had the highest rate of ‘illegal’ non-EU migrants per 1,000 of population. This was odd because the data that I had carefully extracted from Eurostat, checked and published on this blogsite showed the complete opposite!   Surely, I was wrong and Eurostat was right? I rechecked and rechecked data sources, formulae and the published Eurostat document cited by a number of media outlets and jumped on by a few politicians in Ireland to make the case that not only was immigration ‘out of control’ but that we had more ‘illegal’ immigrants per 1,000 of population than any other EU Member State.   All my raw data were the same as those used by EUROSTAT.   I was using a figure of 1,485 ‘illegals’ (I would prefer the term irregu
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To Rwanda or Connacht?

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  Cromwell was not the last English ruler to offer a stark choice to its neighbours.   Recent weeks have seen a further ramping up of the rhetoric on immigration supplemented by loose playing with numbers on migration. ‘Facts’ that turn out to be other than robust statistics which can be stood over by the relevant public agencies have entered the discourse. Alarm and even panic have been spread by irresponsible commentators and fuelled by sensationalised opinion polling which has very limited value in my view.   What does count is election time and how those elected behave afterwards.   In the most recent turn of events attention has been focussed away from the majority of immigrants to those who have arrived as refugees.   As discussed in earlier blogs on this site, asylum seekers account for little more than 10% of total annual inflow. Suddenly, we have been presented with a highly simplistic categorisation of ‘legal’ and ‘illegal’ immigrants as well as ‘genuine’ migrants and ‘non-
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Immigration and crime - is there a link in Ireland?

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  It is curious how often one hears some people saying ‘And I am not a racist, but…..’ or ‘How dare anyone call me far-right or a racist when I am just pointing out that communities should be listened to’.   What are some people in some communities saying and why? Clearly, communities are concerned about resources, access to housing and public services. But is there something else going on? We hear of communities concerned about single men of a certain age-group especially where they are located near creches and schools. Really? The concern seems to be articulated especially but not exclusively when it concerns men from Africa or the middle east. None of this is racist or even sexist? Really? What can the data tell us about crime and safety when it comes to citizenship or race?   Data on race and crime is either not collected or used in Ireland but if it were we need to be cautious.   Were it the case that – and there is no evidence that it is – crime and migrant status were correlat
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The benefits and costs of immigration in Ireland

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  Why the tech sector and immigration need each other (linkedin.com) Many speak of the burden, cost and disruption of immigration.   Immigration impacts on public spending and ‘crowds out’ accommodation, healthcare access and jobs for others, so it is claimed.   It is part of the ‘Ireland is full’ narrative and basically sees immigration – especially ‘too much’ of it – as an economic, social and even cultural problem.     As well as economic fears there is a deep-seated fear associated with some vague sense of deep belonging, identity and national self-worth. It is claimed that ‘they’ are not like us by virtue of cultural norms, colour, behaviour or religion (if applicable).   The race, nationality and faith issues will be addressed in the 10 th blog in this series to be published in mid-May.   Here, I am dealing with the economic issues of claimed costs and unexplored benefits. In doing so I acknowledge that there is a close interaction between ‘non-economic’ and economic effects
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