Are Ukrainian migrants privileged over the Irish?
pic: Irish Mirror
The outbreak of war in the Ukraine in February 2022 took the world by surprise. What has been, perhaps, just as surprising is the tenacity and capacity of those fighting for Ukraine to hold out against Russian aggression. Thankfully, the conflict has not escalated, so far, to other countries and regions. Two things seems clear: no end to the war is in sight and living in Ukraine is no fun at the moment.
The European context
A decision to admit Ukrainian refugees on the basis of the cross-EU Temporary Protection Directive has given rights of residence, employment, study and access to social welfare more or less in line with what might be offered to citizens from the EU. Refugees from the Ukraine are termed Beneficiaries of Temporary Protection (BOTP). This decision made at EU level in the immediate aftermath of the outbreak of war is an important sign as well as a practical humanitarian gesture by EU States. It is a political act of solidarity on the part of 27 Member States with another European nation on the frontline, so to speak, of a battle for EU values of democracy, national sovereignty and solidarity. That is not to say that some EU States are less enthusiastic than others and loyalties are often mixed in relation to this complex situation which has a long and chequered history (as all wars do).
As a militarily, but not politically neutral, country Ireland has played its part in showing a generous welcome and support to BOTP refugees - most of whom were women and children. The scale and context of arrivals over a short period of time surpasses any recent example in the case of Ireland. Immigration was higher in the immediate period before 2008 but the context was very different.
BOTP arrivals - a good story overall
Stories of integration into local communities, even if only on a temporary basis, have been generally very positive. We are a welcoming people and we manage to be flexible. Our history as an emigrant people and the partial endurance of Christian-humanitarian values has, in my opinion, marked out Ireland from some other European countries including our closest neighbour. And we have been enriched by the positive human values brought to our shores by other faiths and none. I will come back to this point in a blog in a few weeks time including the ways in which our Christian churches may be missing opportunities on migration by not reaching out enough. In short, Ireland including its Government has displayed a willingness and generosity to adapt quickly to a humanitarian crisis in our continent. So far so good.
The shifting sands of national politics
We have been less good at planning, preparing and charting a way forward as the numbers surged. Some political forces including mainstream political parties have been quick to use the migration issue to deflect attention away from a systemic failure in social and housing policy - the fruit of four decades of under-investment in the public sphere. Not surprisingly, the mounting anger, fear and alienation felt by significant sections of our population ever before a recent surge in BOTP and International Protection (IP) seekers has provided a fertile ground for the growth of toxic, far-right and in some cases openly fascist elements exploiting grievances and spreading misinformation. The political tectonic plates are shifting quickly as the centre right scrambles to head off a potential far-right surge on the margins of popular opinion and local activism. Add this what seems like a rapidly evolving and somewhat fluid stance by the main opposition party.
One might argue that the refugee flows from Ukraine, bearing heavily on tourism areas, particularly on the West Coast and in rural, de-populated communities caused a tipping point in frustration in these communities - frustration about housing, GP access, cost of living, planning permissions, agriculture, rural depopulation and lack of rural transport among other issues. Governments seem to have been removed, unresponsive and ineffective and there is a sense that young people have a far bleaker future than the older generations. Some of this frustration is taken out on IP seekers and because BOTPs get better treatment than IP seekers (but not the resident population) they too are the target of local anger. I think that for many people 'it is nothing personal and I'm not a racist but.....'
And the very dark side on the fringes
As often happens rumours, truths, half-truths and downright lies spread quickly on social media and in pub and kitchen talk. "They are get hundreds of Euros every week and get driven to swimming pools and leisure centres, they are paid a fortune for bringing pets over, they come and go to Ukraine to claim welfare and free accommodation here and do a bit of work over there and some of them are just dodgy men who escape conscription over there". Believe it but I have heard all of this and more from people who might be regarded as normally decent and non-racist. However, they are absorbing toxic stuff on social media and in ordinary everyday conversation. When was see and hear politicians, especially at local level where they can afford to distance themselves from national politics, mouthing this we know that we have a problem. Ireland, we need to wake up and smell the coffee! Before long we could be seeing a new generation that is polluted by this toxic phenomenon as we are beginning to see in some local protests (eg. Coolock in recent days). It reminds me of some of the worse days of the Troubles - not the fatalities or injuries but the toxicity.
The arrival of around 80,000 BOTP refugees has put a strain on accommodation whether in designated accommodation centres, hotels, B&Bs or homes offered by volunteering families. These arrived without work or accommodation lined up (as happens when one is fleeing war). Treated more or less on the same basis as EU citizens opened up an opportunity for a tiny minority of racists to take aim by deflecting from failures of successive Governments to invest, to plan and to communicate especially with local communities. It is unlikely that most of the protesters at designated or rumoured sites are, themselves, racists. However, they are being used by racist elements and in absence of clarity and adequate investment are prone to anti-immigrant sentiment. The fundamental and underlying issues are a mix of economic and political on which migration was the trigger issue.
Lets get down to the facts.
What are the rights of refugees from Ukraine up to 13 March 2024?
BOTP refugees are eligible for accommodation in designated state-provided accommodation centres or in other accommodation such as those offered to guests in someone's home or their second home or a 'granny flat'. Those providing accommodation at home may be paid a tax-free amount of €800 known as the Accommodation Recognition Payment (ARP). The accommodation must be provided for at least 6 months and must meet required standards. The payment is only made if there is no rental agreement in place.
In March of this year, there were just under 18,000 Ukrainians accommodated in 'Offer a home' or Red Cross pledges. However, when ARP is included the total accommodated in homes is around 21,000. Almost 54,000 were accommodated in state-contracted hotels and B&Bs where food is provided. Those accommodated in such centres are expected to pay, after the initial two weeks, €10 per day per adult and €5 per child per day. Absences from the accommodation centre are allowed only in exceptional cases.
BOTP refugees may apply for social welfare on the same basis as Irish citizens as long as they meet the eligibility conditions. They are also eligible for medical cards and up to now no means test was applied probably due to the logistic and practical difficulties of organising such tests.
BOTP refugees are eligible to work in Ireland. Those on a jobseekers allowance must be available for work. Refugees may work in some professions subject to appropriate registration and recognition of qualifications (e.g. doctors and teachers). English language competency and conversion courses are, typically, involved.
Children have access to Early Childhood Care and Education. For children of school age, they are required to enrol in primary and second level school as appropriate. They also have access to school transport services on the same basis as children in Ireland. There is no charge for the service if seats are available. Students are eligible to apply for courses at Further and Higher Education level on the same basis as Irish students. However, there is no entitlement to SUSI grants or free fees. Instead, European Union funding has been used to support students on a temporary basis in accessing third level. It is not clear if such support will be forthcoming for the next academic year.
In March of this year there were 11,000 enrolled at primary level and 7,000 at second level. 17,310 Ukrainians were enrolled in further education and training including English language classes on the 1st of February this year.
Yes Ukrainian refugees can bring their pets provided that they comply with requirements for pets entering from outside the EU/EEA. Otherwise, a fee must be paid for quarantine as well as transport.
What are the rights of refugees from Ukraine since 14 March 2024?
Since the arrival of BOTPs in March 2022 a two-tier system of provision and entitlement was created for refugees: IP seekers and BOTPs. Since 14th March 2024 a third tier has been added in respect of new BOTP arrivals. In summary, the Government has moved new BOTP arrivals down in the direction of IP levels of support and provision instead of moving IP seekers up. The new measures were described as necessary to align Ireland's 'offer' to BOTP arrivals with that of other EU States (a claim that I dispute, below). In the Dáil proceedings of 31st January Minister for Social Protection gave very strong hints that a future Government will apply the new arrangements including the move to €38.80 per week to existing pre-14 March BOTP refugees. What has been opened up by the creation of second and, now, a third tier refugee arrangement is the creation of a deserving poor and not so deserving poor.
All of the above provisions for existing BOTPs apply except for the following:
- Newly arriving refugees are entitled only to a maximum weekly expense allowance for an adult of €38.80 per adult and €29.80 per child. A monthly child benefit payment is also payable for qualifying children.
- New arrivals are limited to 90 days in one of five specially designated accommodation centres after which they must find their own accommodation. For new BOTPs not in state-provided these may apply for social welfare on the same basis as Irish citizens as long as they meet the eligibility conditions.
No BOTP refugee - whether they arrived before or after 14th March is entitled to a Housing Assistance Payment or to join the public housing waiting list or to avail of homeless services.
The scale and composition of Ukrainian arrivals since March 2024
It is important to state at the outset that Ukrainian arrivals since March 2022 are covered by a Temporary Protection Directive. This protection only extends to March 2025. A renewal or modification of Temporary Protection will depend on political developments in Europe. BOTPs have no certainty or permanence here.
Up to date information on statistical trends in BOTPs may be obtained from the CSO Ukraine Hub Statistics.
As of 17th March, 2024, 105,396 Ukrainians had acquired Personal Public Service Numbers (PPSN) between March 2022 and this year. Many of these - probably 22% - have returned to the Ukraine or other countries. The PPSN count is the best available proxy measure for the inflow. As of 14th March, 71,517 Ukrainian nationals were in accommodation financially supported by the Department of Integration or hosts. In all there were 18,269 children enrolled in education.
The distribution of Ukrainian arrivals by local electoral area
The latest data refer to February 2024. See Figure 18 below. Note that the data are based on total cumulative Personal Public Service Numbers (PPSN) issued to date. Over 104,000 PPSN's were issued up to February 2024. The total PPSN figures at any given time is likely overstates the population of BOTP refugees by around 22%. This estimate is based on a CSO reported figure of 78% of all PPSNs issued to Ukrainian refugees being administratively active after 30 November 2023.
BOTP refugees are unevenly spread across Ireland. CSO-estimated proportions of total population vary from negligible in some areas of Dublin to over 10% in some areas of the Western seaboard. Three counties with the highest proportions are: Kerry, Leitrim and Donegal. The three counties with the lowest proportions are Meath, Dublin and Kildare. The national average is 1.9 compared to a figure of 1.0% for Dublin county. Clearly, availability of suitable accommodation is related to these patterns. However, the relative lack of access to transport and public services in rural areas and towns is a concern to local communities. On the upside, Ukrainian refugees bring new vitality, enterprise and higher school enrolments in otherwise declining school rolls a point to which I return in next week's blog on costs and benefits of immigration.
Is there evidence of social class bias in the selection of accommodation site in the Dublin area? Leaving aside City West which swamps the Clondalkin local electoral area data, the areas with highest proportions of BOTP refugees within County Dublin are North Inner City, Tallaght and Swords in that order. Areas with the lowest proportions are Cabra-Glasnevin, Ballyfermot and Rathfarnham-Templeogue LEA's. It is hard to conclude from this that there was a systematic bias in relation to selection of properties since the main or only factor involved is availability of property. Just one or two centres (e.g City West) can push the figure well above the average for any LEA.
Further analysis of the CSO data show that a large number of BOTP refugees presenting at Intreo centres are highly qualified as well as coming from professional, managerial and technical occupations in the Ukraine. Refer to Figure 20.
Intake of refugees - comparison of Ireland with the rest of the EU.
As of January 2024, Ireland recorded 1.9% of the population as Ukrainian refugees . This is well above the EU average. However, 8 other EU Member States have higher rates of intake as shown in Figure 21. An important caveat, here, is that the figures for Ireland are over-stated by around 20% as stated above.It is not clear how comparable the Irish figures based on cumulative PPSNs are with those of other countries.
Was Ireland out of line in its offer to BOTPs?
A study of social welfare payments undertaken by the Oireachtas Library and Research last year examined European data and information relating to BOTPs. A vital 'health warning' contained in the document was never once mentioned in the Dáil and Seanad debates on the legislation to level down BOTPs towards IP seekers. Below are some extracts. See Comparative Social Welfare Rates across the EU in the context of Temporary Protection (October 2023).
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